June 4, 2024
Exclusivo: Habla el expresidente Juan Manuel Santos sobre su carta a Naciones Unidas
WEBVTT
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In the WU the report of Colonel
with a very special guest, which will
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clarify the issue of the scope of
the peace agreement signed at the Teatro Colón
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in Bogotá, Daniel and former President
Juan Manuel Santos. Both welcome good morning
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July. This is today' s
Colonel report. Former President Juan Manuel Santos
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revealed in the last hours the contents
of a letter he sent to the Secretary
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- General of the United Nations,
Antonio Guterrez, on the peace agreement that
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he signed with the FARK and whose
copy is deposited in the Laon Security Council
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In order to understand the letter of
former President Santos, it is necessary to
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remember that the scandalistÃlvaro Leiva returned
to the elusive reflectors a few days ago,
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when he used the thesis that the
peace agreement with the FAR allows and
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further forces the former President, President
Forgiveness, Gustavo Petro, to summon a
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constituent Assembly. The sudden former Minister
Iba assures him that the binding authorization is
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in a paragraph of the introduction that
says I open Comillas, the Government of
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Colombia and the FARC EP in order
to further consolidate the bases on which it
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will build peace and national reconciliation.
Once the approval procedure has been completed,
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all political and social movements and all
the other active forces in the country will
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be called upon to agree on a
great national political opening aimed at defining the
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institutional reforms and adjustments necessary to meet
the challenges that peace demands, putting a
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new framework of political and social coexistence
closes quotation marks. The paragraph nowhere states
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that the President of Colombia is empowered, much less obliged to convene a Constituent
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Assembly. However, I was going
to assure him that it does say so
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by interpretation, by analogy, by
extension and that, since the Peace Agreement
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was elevated to a unilateral declaration of
State before the UN Security Council, President
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Petro is obliged to quote a constituent. All of this would be an interpretive
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enticing of Leiva one more as when
he said that he did not have to
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comply with the hiring statute and the
conciliation law because he could stick to the
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primary line, which was the Constitution, in whose elaboration he participated to cancel
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the tender of passports, which,
by the way, it was his own
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Chancellery that opened and qualified. In
short, everything would remain that size if
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it weren' t for President Gustavo
Petro to buy him the theory and he
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has already said that the agreement with
the FARC forces him to cite the constituent.
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The letter from former President Juan Manuel
Santos to the Secretary General of the
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ONO that you can already see on
the page of the W say that I
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open quotations from some Colombian officials and
former executives have attributed to some paragraphs of
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the agreement a meaning that is contrary
to its object, scope and purpose,
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which is possibly incompatible with the principle
of good faith. So far, the
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quote also says that it is a
lie that the agreement signed with the FARFA
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cultivates extra- institutional paths that allow
to circumvent what the Constitution establishes to be
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reformed. In short, in terms
of saints, the convocation of a constituent
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must go on to obtain a qualified
majority in Congress, be reviewed by the
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Constitutional Court, obtain the vote of
more than thirteen million Colombians and, according
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to him, no part of the
agreement that it signed with RASFAR proposes or
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insinuates that the Government of Colombia is
licensed to assault the Constitution. Rodrigo Londoño,
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who was known as Timochenco, who, as commander of the FAR,
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signed the agreement, also told me
that the little Parish does not say that.
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He doesn' t talk about constitutive
convocations, which is the rest.
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It is an interesting interpretation, although
under the concept of Timo Chenco the interest
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is not always bad. At this
time, we salute former President Juan Manuel
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Santos, with whom we will speak
exclusively of the scope of his letter to
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the Secretary- General of the United
Nations. Good morning, Mr Presidents Santos,
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good morning, Daniel, and good
morning to your entire audience. Well,
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we' ve seen the little paragraph
that speaks of a great national political
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agreement. What was the purpose of
that statement in introducing the peace agreement with
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fans. For look, Daniel,
I think the important thing here is to
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clarify that the agreement filmed by the
parties does not mention much less, it
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demands a constituent assembly and that this
which is a exhausting discussion we carry.
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I don' t know how many
months on whether to convene one' s
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constituent and now that the peace agreement
can be used while other problems in the
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country are growing. So the intention
of this Charter is precisely to put an
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end to this discussion, because,
after the little welcome this thesis has received,
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they want to go to the highest
international distance there is, which is
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the Security Council, and there they
will not find echo of the demonstrations,
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including the former Chancellor when he was
Chancellor in the Security Council. And what
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is happening at this time of announcing
that you are going to go to the
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Council to make a demonstration and a
denunciation of the Colombian state. The Colombian
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Head of State himself is going to
denounce the Colombian State, because that has
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not gone very well. And what
I intend with the Charter is that hopefully
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they will realize that, if they
continue on this path, they will remain
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very moral, but they also leave
the country very bad that I hope,
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reflect that they put an end to
this discussion, that it makes no sense
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and that they dedicate themselves to governing
and fixing the growing problems that the Colombian
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population is suffering. That is the
meaning of the Charter. The Charter is
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very clear. There is no mention
of a constituent assembly. Nor do Security
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Council resolutions modify or modify the constitution
of a country, nor do they have
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a higher rank than the constitution of
any country. I mean, they'
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re not supranational rules. The agreement
of passage with the FACs has no legal
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force in itself, but Congress,
by means of laws or leadership acts,
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can adopt rules to develop or implement
the agreement, and that is precisely what
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has been done. Besides, Daniel, there' s one thing I'
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d like to clarify as well.
Unilateral statements by a Head of State do
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not have, do not have,
the legal effect of amending the Constitution of
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a country. No one can believe
that, for example, the President of
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the United States or the President of
France can make a unilateral state statement that
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he will extend the presidential term from
four or six years and, by magic,
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the United States Constitution is amended by
that declaration. Oh, my God.
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So this is an argument that wears
us out, that won' t
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get anywhere, that doesn' t
hold the deal, or what you have
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to do is implement it. That
is something that should unite the country.
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President Pedro himself promised in the campaign
to implement the agreement, because President Duque
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implemented it very little. He didn' t like the peace agreement and did
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very little to implement it and that' s why President Petro said he was
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going to implement it. But it
has been two years and, as Rodrigo
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Londoño himself said, it would seem
that this government is less interested in implementing
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what the past has done, because
it has done less in two years than
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the past government did. That is
why I call for the implementation of the
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peace process. And to implement it
does not require constituent, it does not
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require even many laws. Political will
is required and management capacity is required to
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implement all aspects of implementation. Ladies
and gentlemen, ever since you left Nariño
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' s house, you have said
in public also in private that you do
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not want to get involved in politics. And so I have to say that
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you have made an effort not to
polemize with your successors. But I have
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to ask you and you will understand
me because not every day a boss was
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in office, as President Gustavo Petro
accuses a former president, how you are
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promoting a coup d'état.
What do you say to President Petro?
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See if I don' t want
to go into politics with President Petuo,
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let alone withÃlvaro Iba. My
role as ex- president is another.
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I am dedicated to international aspects,
and I have to deal with internal policy
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aspects. Better. I think that
is the most convenient role of the former
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presidents, because it gives me some
laughter, because how to say that the
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Colombian armed forces have to comply with
their obligation to respect and defend the Constitution
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can be considered as an attempted coup
d'état. That doesn' t
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fit in my head. I don' t know why President Petro says those
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things. Yesterday I read an interview
of one of the delegates of the Nineteenth
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EM in the constituent, in which
it is thus constituent in the discussion for
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the Constitution of the ninety- one, where it said that President Petro should
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think before saying things, because generally
the things I did suddenly go wrong.
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And in this case, then,
to say that respecting the Constitution is a
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coup d'état, because I
believe that no one can understand why he
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said it. But, what happens
is that you also had some sailings a
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while ago and the Chancellor was accusing
you of beating him in the past and
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taking out a document in which,
according to him, you proposed a constituent
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in the nineties to replace then President
Ernesto San Pedro. Immersed, then,
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in the scandal of the process of
financing his campaign. Well, look,
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Daniel, I' m going to
confess to the interview I was going to
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in the magazine week produced me.
I had a feeling like someone else'
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s shame and a certain sadness of
seeing you read with those theses and bringing
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to the fore aspects and things that
have nothing to do with it. He
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was referring to a proposal he had
made in the last century. That was
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in nineteen hundred and ninety- seven
parks in a process that began to seek
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the possibility of a peace process and
in that proposal the fals said that,
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as a culmination of the process,
if the process succeeds, a constituent national
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assembly could be convened. That is
the meaning of the letter that I left
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inscribed in a commission of the Church
in the year nineteen hundred and ninety-
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seven. If memory is not failure, nothing has to do with today'
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s discussion. The fags have ceased
to exist, they have embraced a peace
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process and I really don' t
know why that will bring me up if
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it doesn' t make any sense. Moreover, if they want to convene
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a constituent, they can do so. No one is telling the President that
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he cannot summon him, but it
must be through the mechanisms established by the
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Constitution. There he cannot use the
peace agreement, or he cannot use a
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decree to convene a constituent, because
he would be in violation of the Constitution.
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If he wants a constituent, he
can summon it, but using the
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mechanisms established by the Constitution of nine
hundred and ninety- one, which he
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himself, as part of the assembly, helped to draft. Hey. I
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have a maledicted friend who says that
the only thing more dangerous thanÃlvaro was
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employed isÃlvaro was unemployed and that
all this is a plan to give him
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peace and total forgiveness and forgetfulness again. And an end- point law.
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You what do you think of that, because look I don' t want
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to go in to controvert with something. I tell you, I know him
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a lot It makes me sad.
That' s why I' m telling
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you to see him in these already, at this point in the gripping life,
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he can know if he can appear. I wouldn' t care much
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about it. What you' re
saying really doesn' t have any hold
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on it and you' re not
going to give it the importance that some
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people are giving it, because they
don' t. And there is another
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thesis that says that all this is
going to finish the GEP that leiva,
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because it has been wanting to take
them. The initiative that the HEB fulfills
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even offers people. You don'
t go into the jef if I want
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that to happen and there are people
who say so. You think that behind
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this there is a purpose to end
the GEB or to diminish its powers,
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because the truth, Daniel, I
don' t know if there is an
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additional purpose behind all this, which
you do know thatÃlvaro has wanted to
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criticize the GE. The Uniños were
born and there he denounced that people are
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not fulfilling the GE. It may
have many flaws, It has been long
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delayed, It took a long time
and it is trying to correct, for
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example, amnesties for FAR members who
are not most responsible. It may have
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many flaws, but trying to accuse
the GED of not complying with the agreements
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or with its purpose, as it
makes no sense, has no reception whatsoever.
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The Chief is a highly respected jurisdiction
internationally. The whole world is following
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very carefully everything that is happening in
Colombia, because it is the first signed
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agreement to be signed through or under
the umbrella of the Rome Statute, where
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the victims are the heart of the
agreement. Their rights to justice, their
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rights to the truth, to non- repetition are fundamentals in all negotiation and
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implementation, and that is why the
whole world is following very carefully what is
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happening here and that is why it
is so important to implement the peace agreement,
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to stop looking for extra- constitutional
mechanisms that do not exist and cannot
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exist, and to dedicate itself to
implementing the peace process. That is my
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request to President Petro and to the
Government, please implement the peace agreement which,
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moreover, by implementing the peace agreement, will solve many problems mentioned by
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President Petro himself. For example,
President Petro says that the transformation of the
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territory yes, the transformation of the
territory was contemplated in the agreement through territorially
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focused development plans were negotiated about seventeen. If they implement those agreements, if
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they implement them, if they implement
them, if they budget, then there
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the regions that suffered so much with
the war, because they will be transformed
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so that there is everything and what
is needed is political will. There is
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management capacity. Well, he'
s Chancellor. Leiba also said that you
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did not read what he signed and
that there in the parish it is very
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clear that the President of the Republic
is not only empowered, but obliged to
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quote one thing. You customer if
you read the agreements. It' s
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President Daniel, please, that little
paragraph that says I was going, because
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Dr Humberto has already said he has
no head or feet. What you'
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re saying is leiva. Rodrigo Londoño
himself says that is not true. And,
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in addition, if you read that
paragraph, what it says is that
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you have to make a great national
agreement, summon the political forces, the
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social organizations to agree on the implementation
of the peace agreement. What any government
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does with its policies, makes national
agreements. We did it when we wanted
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to do all the reforms we put
before Congress that were approved. We called
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on the political parties, the living
forces of the country, the interested parties.
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We argued, we presented that to
Congress, and Congress approved it.
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That is what any Government has to
do with any policy, and that is
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what was enshrined in the peace agreement. But in no way can that be
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interpreted as the obligation to convene a
constituent. Moreover, the negotiation was established
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as a red line, I established
her forgiveness me cable in first person,
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myself, as President of Republic.
For no reason will the proposal of a
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Constituent Assembly be accepted and the FARKS
discussed among themselves because there were different views.
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He won the thesis that they did
submit as a proposal the call for
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a constituent and that request of the
FARKS was denied by the national government.
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That is to say, a procedure
arose and he refused. Then. I
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don' t know why at this
point it comes up that there implicitly,
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because it' s not explicit.
There is the call for a constitution that
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really doesn' t make any sense. I find it absurd to attach such
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importance to that which is obvious.
It is obvious to anyone that he reads
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the peace agreement. President Petro has
said in what is a clear allusion to
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you is. The following, I
open Comillas, the national agreement is not
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to go to a club Patton mno
Marubisky, it is among the entire Colombian
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society, including those former presidents.
How to receive that statement from the Chief
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It is, then, that he
invite me to take a whisky wherever he
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wants that I am willing to any
agreement that is for the good of the
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country, but that, please,
is coherent and consistent. A national agreement
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is to put on the table people
who think differently and it is necessary to
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set that national agreement, and he
is doing exactly the opposite. Every time
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someone thinks differently, he insults him, he tells him that he is propitiating
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a coup d'état and that
is not the way to create the environment
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necessary for the necessary agreements in a
government to pass the reforms. The Council
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is therefore very humble to President Petro
that he should adopt a conciliatory attitude,
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which will make it easier for him
to call a national agreement. In that,
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for example, it seems to me
that what Senator Ivan ze Peda has
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said is correct. What the country
needs is a national agreement to be able
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to resolve. Look at the problems
that people of insecurity are having, the
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cauca, we' re losing it. The theme of health for God'
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s sake. If what happened with
the teachers is the preamble of what will
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happen with health. In Colombia we
have a very serious problem. I saw
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what' s going on with the
economy, look what' s going on
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with the energy sources, or something
else that worries me a lot. Daniel
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that I was discussing it now in
Brazil, that I spent ten days last
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week. I was with organizations and
people who are very interested in protecting the
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environment and succeeding in Cop sixteen and
Cop thirty NAFO sixteen will be held in
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Colombia of the Cup thirty in Brazil
at the end of the year. Incomings
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were already in Brazil studying very carefully
how they are going to be for that
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cop to be successful, but they
were very concerned that the sixteen cop that
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is going to be done here,
in Colombia, in Cali at five months,
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does not even have a concrete agenda. The people who wanted to come
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said no. We can' t
go because we don' t know exactly
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what we' re going to do, what the objectives are, how it
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' s going to be, how
it' s going to be organized.
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Please organize that as quickly as possible, because it is the country that will
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look very bad if that fails.
They are those kinds of aspects that Petos
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should dedicate himself to and will not
fight, he will not fight with Raimundo
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and everyone and have there say permanent
turmoil and discussion, because that is not
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in the interests of anyone, either
him or the country. Mr Presidents,
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Santos, you say that you are
willing to sit with President Petro even says
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to have a whisky. When it
was the last time you spoke to Petro,
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when the relationship between you began to
deteriorate, then look, for my
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part, do not be deteriorated,
because I what Petro says does not take,
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because very much to heart has left
me twice. He himself invited me
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to talk about it. I'
m more interested in the peace process being
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implemented, but on two occasions,
because it didn' t appear and other
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people were offended, they took a
thousand. That' s a slap on
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you, because I don' t
have that attitude and I say well,
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I can' t come leave it. I' m not going to use
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it and that as a little battle
head, I' ll always be willing.
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I think it' s the obligation
of every former President, that if
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they need us, we' re
there. For example, there is an
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instance to discuss precisely these kinds of
issues, such as that of the United
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Nations Security Council, which is the
Committee on Foreign Affairs, have not convened
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it. So what I hope you
think about, that there are ways to
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generate agreements and that governing is precisely
making agreements is in democracies. That'
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s fundamental. That is why,
in Colombia and everywhere, the art of
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governing is being so difficult, because
polarization makes transactions more difficult in a democracy,
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and a democracy without the ability to
make transactions between different sectors and interests
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of society, because it does not
work and cannot solve problems for people.
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Therefore, it would be good if
President Petro concentrated in the last two years
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of government on trying to find a
solution to some of these growing problems that
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are affecting us. You say the
last two years you have left in government.
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You believe that President Petro is going
to leave on the 7th of August
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of two thousand and twenty- six, or, as some people think,
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that he is going to try to
stay in some way. It' s
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just that I don' t find
in any way that he can stay there
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He doesn' t exist. He
would have to break the Constitution, he
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would have to become a dictator and
I think that in Colombia he is not
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willing to accept that. Mr Es
Presidentes Santos, you feel comfortable being part
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of a group against Petro' s
initiative with former Presidents Alvaro Uribe Iván Duque
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00:25:57.039 --> 00:26:03.240
ernesto san but you spoke to them
and specifically spoke to former President Urin again.
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No. I hadn' t talked
to him, I haven' t
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talked to any of the former presidents. But it' s logical. It
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00:26:12.920 --> 00:26:19.240
is obvious that we all agree that
the Constitution must be respected. That should
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00:26:19.400 --> 00:26:25.400
not surprise anyone now some who are
saying the Club of former Presidents is opposing
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the regions of Pepro. No.
What I think is that we agree if
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00:26:30.440 --> 00:26:34.279
we talk to each other that one
of the duties of any President, because
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00:26:34.359 --> 00:26:40.119
that is what we swear when we
take office as President is to comply with
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the Constitution. Well, it doesn' t seem so logical for the Group
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to be here either, because obviously
it changed the Constitution to get re-
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elected and, moreover, the mechanisms
are extremely questionable. Several of his ministers
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went to jail for this reason in
a process that was called the political gypsies,
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as well as that respect for the
constitutional order was not so characteristic of
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00:27:03.200 --> 00:27:14.839
that Government. But in Uribe'
s case he made at least one path
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or tired, a path that was
endorsed by the Constitution, that is,
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by Congress. Yes, he approved
of religion. That' s obvious.
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He went through the congressional leak.
What we' re here for. I
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think everyone agrees that by a decree, by extra- constitutional means, a
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constituent cannot be called. And again
I' m going to start with the
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fundamentals. Let' s stop arguing
about this, because that' s not
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00:27:52.680 --> 00:27:57.240
going to happen. It cannot happen
and this attempt to seek an international rod,
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a band of the Security Council.
Petro has Tania to live in July
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have United Nations to seek that endorsement, because he will not find it.
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They will tell you, Mr Petro, thank you very much for coming,
307
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but do not put us to solve
a problem of internal politics of your country
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and they will return it without any
result and the bad country will remain,
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and for that I hope they will
reflect and do not go to United States
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to try to involve the Security Council
in something where they do not want to
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00:28:33.720 --> 00:28:38.000
get involved and are not willing to
get involved. And that can almost assure
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00:28:38.160 --> 00:28:44.640
Daniel that that' s what'
s going to happen. A curiosity,
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Mr President, why the name of
former President Andrés Pastrana has not sounded as
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00:28:51.119 --> 00:28:56.240
part of this group of former Presidents. I have no idea that yes,
315
00:28:56.359 --> 00:29:02.400
ask the journalists or Andrés Pashada.
I have no idea. You mention in
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00:29:02.440 --> 00:29:07.920
your letter to former Presidents Felipe González
of Spain and Pepe Mújica of Uruguay,
317
00:29:07.960 --> 00:29:11.759
who are verifiers of the peace agreement, and say they agree with your communication.
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00:29:11.720 --> 00:29:15.880
What did they say, for look, I sent the letters to both
319
00:29:15.920 --> 00:29:23.839
of them and they authorized me to
say that, indeed, they agreed with
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00:29:23.920 --> 00:29:29.359
the thesis of the Charter, with
the spirit of the Charter, with the
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00:29:29.440 --> 00:29:32.720
content and of the Charter and with
the continuity of the Charter. It simply
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00:29:33.599 --> 00:29:38.880
says that one cannot seek to break
the Colombian Constitution through the peace agreement or
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through the Security Council. That'
s simple. What consequences you expect from
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00:29:47.480 --> 00:29:53.240
your letter to the UN Secretary,
Antonio Gutérrez. The consequences are simply that
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when President Petro Vaya will tell you
what I have just said, look,
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Mr Pep, but we do not
accept your thesis in that it is not
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00:30:06.599 --> 00:30:10.000
up to us. They' re
going to tell you in a very diplomatic,
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00:30:10.319 --> 00:30:14.559
very kind way, and what I
do hope is that they ratify what
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00:30:14.599 --> 00:30:21.039
they' ve been telling you every
three or four months that they' re
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going to Colombia to make some kind
of report on how implementation is going and
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that they tell you, please,
but rather, I' m going to
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be focused on implementing the peace agreement. I hope that happens. Mr President,
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Juan Manuel Santos, thank you very
much for this conversation. To Ostedes
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00:30:38.799 --> 00:30:45.160
Daniel, thank you very much for
this opportunity in the interview given to us
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00:30:45.519 --> 00:30:51.000
a few days ago by former President
Gustavo Petro Federico Gómez de Cambio and to
336
00:30:51.119 --> 00:30:56.279
me he said that he will travel
to the United Nations headquarters to discuss these
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00:30:56.319 --> 00:31:00.599
issues with the Secretary General and with
members of the Security Council. So this
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00:31:00.640 --> 00:31:04.799
thing just starts. This was today' s Colonel report. Thank you very
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00:31:04.799 --> 00:31:11.119
much. No daniel a second,
because, in addition to the Colonel report,
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00:31:14.039 --> 00:31:18.680
you had an immersion job in the
elections in Mexico. I am very
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00:31:18.759 --> 00:31:25.319
clear about the conclusion of this conversation. That trip to New York by President
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00:31:25.359 --> 00:31:32.480
Petro confirms that former President Santos himself
is not going to have an atmosphere,
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because he, precisely with that letter, has made him a very bad atmosphere.
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For the purpose of that journey
1
00:00:00.360 --> 00:00:06.200
In the WU the report of Colonel
with a very special guest, which will
2
00:00:06.919 --> 00:00:13.039
clarify the issue of the scope of
the peace agreement signed at the Teatro Colón
3
00:00:13.160 --> 00:00:20.359
in Bogotá, Daniel and former President
Juan Manuel Santos. Both welcome good morning
4
00:00:20.440 --> 00:00:23.440
July. This is today' s
Colonel report. Former President Juan Manuel Santos
5
00:00:23.559 --> 00:00:28.679
revealed in the last hours the contents
of a letter he sent to the Secretary
6
00:00:29.199 --> 00:00:33.679
- General of the United Nations,
Antonio Guterrez, on the peace agreement that
7
00:00:33.719 --> 00:00:38.679
he signed with the FARK and whose
copy is deposited in the Laon Security Council
8
00:00:38.719 --> 00:00:44.759
In order to understand the letter of
former President Santos, it is necessary to
9
00:00:45.320 --> 00:00:51.920
remember that the scandalistÃlvaro Leiva returned
to the elusive reflectors a few days ago,
10
00:00:52.359 --> 00:00:55.560
when he used the thesis that the
peace agreement with the FAR allows and
11
00:00:55.600 --> 00:01:00.520
further forces the former President, President
Forgiveness, Gustavo Petro, to summon a
12
00:01:00.520 --> 00:01:07.480
constituent Assembly. The sudden former Minister
Iba assures him that the binding authorization is
13
00:01:07.480 --> 00:01:11.879
in a paragraph of the introduction that
says I open Comillas, the Government of
14
00:01:12.159 --> 00:01:18.439
Colombia and the FARC EP in order
to further consolidate the bases on which it
15
00:01:18.480 --> 00:01:25.319
will build peace and national reconciliation.
Once the approval procedure has been completed,
16
00:01:25.959 --> 00:01:32.519
all political and social movements and all
the other active forces in the country will
17
00:01:32.640 --> 00:01:38.760
be called upon to agree on a
great national political opening aimed at defining the
18
00:01:38.799 --> 00:01:45.480
institutional reforms and adjustments necessary to meet
the challenges that peace demands, putting a
19
00:01:45.599 --> 00:01:52.480
new framework of political and social coexistence
closes quotation marks. The paragraph nowhere states
20
00:01:52.560 --> 00:01:57.719
that the President of Colombia is empowered, much less obliged to convene a Constituent
21
00:01:57.799 --> 00:02:04.480
Assembly. However, I was going
to assure him that it does say so
22
00:02:04.680 --> 00:02:08.439
by interpretation, by analogy, by
extension and that, since the Peace Agreement
23
00:02:08.479 --> 00:02:13.439
was elevated to a unilateral declaration of
State before the UN Security Council, President
24
00:02:13.479 --> 00:02:22.000
Petro is obliged to quote a constituent. All of this would be an interpretive
25
00:02:22.080 --> 00:02:24.840
enticing of Leiva one more as when
he said that he did not have to
26
00:02:24.919 --> 00:02:29.879
comply with the hiring statute and the
conciliation law because he could stick to the
27
00:02:29.879 --> 00:02:34.879
primary line, which was the Constitution, in whose elaboration he participated to cancel
28
00:02:34.879 --> 00:02:38.360
the tender of passports, which,
by the way, it was his own
29
00:02:38.400 --> 00:02:43.479
Chancellery that opened and qualified. In
short, everything would remain that size if
30
00:02:44.000 --> 00:02:47.479
it weren' t for President Gustavo
Petro to buy him the theory and he
31
00:02:47.599 --> 00:02:52.319
has already said that the agreement with
the FARC forces him to cite the constituent.
32
00:02:53.639 --> 00:02:55.960
The letter from former President Juan Manuel
Santos to the Secretary General of the
33
00:02:57.000 --> 00:03:00.439
ONO that you can already see on
the page of the W say that I
34
00:03:00.599 --> 00:03:07.000
open quotations from some Colombian officials and
former executives have attributed to some paragraphs of
35
00:03:07.000 --> 00:03:10.680
the agreement a meaning that is contrary
to its object, scope and purpose,
36
00:03:10.960 --> 00:03:15.879
which is possibly incompatible with the principle
of good faith. So far, the
37
00:03:15.000 --> 00:03:20.520
quote also says that it is a
lie that the agreement signed with the FARFA
38
00:03:20.759 --> 00:03:25.520
cultivates extra- institutional paths that allow
to circumvent what the Constitution establishes to be
39
00:03:25.520 --> 00:03:30.400
reformed. In short, in terms
of saints, the convocation of a constituent
40
00:03:30.560 --> 00:03:36.120
must go on to obtain a qualified
majority in Congress, be reviewed by the
41
00:03:36.199 --> 00:03:39.520
Constitutional Court, obtain the vote of
more than thirteen million Colombians and, according
42
00:03:39.599 --> 00:03:46.280
to him, no part of the
agreement that it signed with RASFAR proposes or
43
00:03:46.360 --> 00:03:51.520
insinuates that the Government of Colombia is
licensed to assault the Constitution. Rodrigo Londoño,
44
00:03:52.439 --> 00:03:57.039
who was known as Timochenco, who, as commander of the FAR,
45
00:03:57.240 --> 00:04:00.840
signed the agreement, also told me
that the little Parish does not say that.
46
00:04:01.199 --> 00:04:04.960
He doesn' t talk about constitutive
convocations, which is the rest.
47
00:04:05.120 --> 00:04:13.159
It is an interesting interpretation, although
under the concept of Timo Chenco the interest
48
00:04:13.199 --> 00:04:16.560
is not always bad. At this
time, we salute former President Juan Manuel
49
00:04:16.680 --> 00:04:21.439
Santos, with whom we will speak
exclusively of the scope of his letter to
50
00:04:21.439 --> 00:04:26.000
the Secretary- General of the United
Nations. Good morning, Mr Presidents Santos,
51
00:04:27.639 --> 00:04:31.480
good morning, Daniel, and good
morning to your entire audience. Well,
52
00:04:31.759 --> 00:04:35.519
we' ve seen the little paragraph
that speaks of a great national political
53
00:04:35.519 --> 00:04:41.199
agreement. What was the purpose of
that statement in introducing the peace agreement with
54
00:04:41.240 --> 00:04:48.519
fans. For look, Daniel,
I think the important thing here is to
55
00:04:49.360 --> 00:04:56.800
clarify that the agreement filmed by the
parties does not mention much less, it
56
00:04:56.839 --> 00:05:02.399
demands a constituent assembly and that this
which is a exhausting discussion we carry.
57
00:05:02.399 --> 00:05:09.079
I don' t know how many
months on whether to convene one' s
58
00:05:09.120 --> 00:05:14.439
constituent and now that the peace agreement
can be used while other problems in the
59
00:05:14.480 --> 00:05:20.160
country are growing. So the intention
of this Charter is precisely to put an
60
00:05:20.240 --> 00:05:27.040
end to this discussion, because,
after the little welcome this thesis has received,
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00:05:27.519 --> 00:05:33.120
they want to go to the highest
international distance there is, which is
62
00:05:33.160 --> 00:05:40.959
the Security Council, and there they
will not find echo of the demonstrations,
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00:05:41.120 --> 00:05:47.480
including the former Chancellor when he was
Chancellor in the Security Council. And what
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00:05:47.560 --> 00:05:55.560
is happening at this time of announcing
that you are going to go to the
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Council to make a demonstration and a
denunciation of the Colombian state. The Colombian
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Head of State himself is going to
denounce the Colombian State, because that has
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not gone very well. And what
I intend with the Charter is that hopefully
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they will realize that, if they
continue on this path, they will remain
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very moral, but they also leave
the country very bad that I hope,
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reflect that they put an end to
this discussion, that it makes no sense
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and that they dedicate themselves to governing
and fixing the growing problems that the Colombian
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population is suffering. That is the
meaning of the Charter. The Charter is
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very clear. There is no mention
of a constituent assembly. Nor do Security
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Council resolutions modify or modify the constitution
of a country, nor do they have
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a higher rank than the constitution of
any country. I mean, they'
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re not supranational rules. The agreement
of passage with the FACs has no legal
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force in itself, but Congress,
by means of laws or leadership acts,
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can adopt rules to develop or implement
the agreement, and that is precisely what
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has been done. Besides, Daniel, there' s one thing I'
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d like to clarify as well.
Unilateral statements by a Head of State do
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not have, do not have,
the legal effect of amending the Constitution of
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a country. No one can believe
that, for example, the President of
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the United States or the President of
France can make a unilateral state statement that
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he will extend the presidential term from
four or six years and, by magic,
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the United States Constitution is amended by
that declaration. Oh, my God.
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So this is an argument that wears
us out, that won' t
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get anywhere, that doesn' t
hold the deal, or what you have
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to do is implement it. That
is something that should unite the country.
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President Pedro himself promised in the campaign
to implement the agreement, because President Duque
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implemented it very little. He didn' t like the peace agreement and did
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very little to implement it and that' s why President Petro said he was
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going to implement it. But it
has been two years and, as Rodrigo
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Londoño himself said, it would seem
that this government is less interested in implementing
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what the past has done, because
it has done less in two years than
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the past government did. That is
why I call for the implementation of the
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peace process. And to implement it
does not require constituent, it does not
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require even many laws. Political will
is required and management capacity is required to
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implement all aspects of implementation. Ladies
and gentlemen, ever since you left Nariño
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' s house, you have said
in public also in private that you do
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not want to get involved in politics. And so I have to say that
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you have made an effort not to
polemize with your successors. But I have
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to ask you and you will understand
me because not every day a boss was
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in office, as President Gustavo Petro
accuses a former president, how you are
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promoting a coup d'état.
What do you say to President Petro?
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See if I don' t want
to go into politics with President Petuo,
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let alone withÃlvaro Iba. My
role as ex- president is another.
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I am dedicated to international aspects,
and I have to deal with internal policy
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aspects. Better. I think that
is the most convenient role of the former
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presidents, because it gives me some
laughter, because how to say that the
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Colombian armed forces have to comply with
their obligation to respect and defend the Constitution
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can be considered as an attempted coup
d'état. That doesn' t
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fit in my head. I don' t know why President Petro says those
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things. Yesterday I read an interview
of one of the delegates of the Nineteenth
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EM in the constituent, in which
it is thus constituent in the discussion for
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the Constitution of the ninety- one, where it said that President Petro should
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think before saying things, because generally
the things I did suddenly go wrong.
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And in this case, then,
to say that respecting the Constitution is a
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coup d'état, because I
believe that no one can understand why he
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said it. But, what happens
is that you also had some sailings a
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while ago and the Chancellor was accusing
you of beating him in the past and
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taking out a document in which,
according to him, you proposed a constituent
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in the nineties to replace then President
Ernesto San Pedro. Immersed, then,
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in the scandal of the process of
financing his campaign. Well, look,
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Daniel, I' m going to
confess to the interview I was going to
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in the magazine week produced me.
I had a feeling like someone else'
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s shame and a certain sadness of
seeing you read with those theses and bringing
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to the fore aspects and things that
have nothing to do with it. He
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was referring to a proposal he had
made in the last century. That was
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in nineteen hundred and ninety- seven
parks in a process that began to seek
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the possibility of a peace process and
in that proposal the fals said that,
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as a culmination of the process,
if the process succeeds, a constituent national
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assembly could be convened. That is
the meaning of the letter that I left
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inscribed in a commission of the Church
in the year nineteen hundred and ninety-
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seven. If memory is not failure, nothing has to do with today'
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s discussion. The fags have ceased
to exist, they have embraced a peace
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process and I really don' t
know why that will bring me up if
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it doesn' t make any sense. Moreover, if they want to convene
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a constituent, they can do so. No one is telling the President that
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he cannot summon him, but it
must be through the mechanisms established by the
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Constitution. There he cannot use the
peace agreement, or he cannot use a
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decree to convene a constituent, because
he would be in violation of the Constitution.
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If he wants a constituent, he
can summon it, but using the
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mechanisms established by the Constitution of nine
hundred and ninety- one, which he
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himself, as part of the assembly, helped to draft. Hey. I
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have a maledicted friend who says that
the only thing more dangerous thanÃlvaro was
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employed isÃlvaro was unemployed and that
all this is a plan to give him
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peace and total forgiveness and forgetfulness again. And an end- point law.
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You what do you think of that, because look I don' t want
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to go in to controvert with something. I tell you, I know him
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a lot It makes me sad.
That' s why I' m telling
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you to see him in these already, at this point in the gripping life,
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he can know if he can appear. I wouldn' t care much
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about it. What you' re
saying really doesn' t have any hold
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on it and you' re not
going to give it the importance that some
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people are giving it, because they
don' t. And there is another
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thesis that says that all this is
going to finish the GEP that leiva,
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because it has been wanting to take
them. The initiative that the HEB fulfills
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even offers people. You don'
t go into the jef if I want
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that to happen and there are people
who say so. You think that behind
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this there is a purpose to end
the GEB or to diminish its powers,
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because the truth, Daniel, I
don' t know if there is an
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additional purpose behind all this, which
you do know thatÃlvaro has wanted to
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criticize the GE. The Uniños were
born and there he denounced that people are
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not fulfilling the GE. It may
have many flaws, It has been long
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delayed, It took a long time
and it is trying to correct, for
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example, amnesties for FAR members who
are not most responsible. It may have
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many flaws, but trying to accuse
the GED of not complying with the agreements
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or with its purpose, as it
makes no sense, has no reception whatsoever.
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The Chief is a highly respected jurisdiction
internationally. The whole world is following
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very carefully everything that is happening in
Colombia, because it is the first signed
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agreement to be signed through or under
the umbrella of the Rome Statute, where
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the victims are the heart of the
agreement. Their rights to justice, their
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rights to the truth, to non- repetition are fundamentals in all negotiation and
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implementation, and that is why the
whole world is following very carefully what is
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happening here and that is why it
is so important to implement the peace agreement,
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to stop looking for extra- constitutional
mechanisms that do not exist and cannot
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exist, and to dedicate itself to
implementing the peace process. That is my
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request to President Petro and to the
Government, please implement the peace agreement which,
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moreover, by implementing the peace agreement, will solve many problems mentioned by
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President Petro himself. For example,
President Petro says that the transformation of the
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territory yes, the transformation of the
territory was contemplated in the agreement through territorially
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focused development plans were negotiated about seventeen. If they implement those agreements, if
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they implement them, if they implement
them, if they budget, then there
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the regions that suffered so much with
the war, because they will be transformed
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so that there is everything and what
is needed is political will. There is
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management capacity. Well, he'
s Chancellor. Leiba also said that you
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did not read what he signed and
that there in the parish it is very
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clear that the President of the Republic
is not only empowered, but obliged to
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quote one thing. You customer if
you read the agreements. It' s
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President Daniel, please, that little
paragraph that says I was going, because
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Dr Humberto has already said he has
no head or feet. What you'
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re saying is leiva. Rodrigo Londoño
himself says that is not true. And,
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in addition, if you read that
paragraph, what it says is that
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you have to make a great national
agreement, summon the political forces, the
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social organizations to agree on the implementation
of the peace agreement. What any government
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does with its policies, makes national
agreements. We did it when we wanted
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to do all the reforms we put
before Congress that were approved. We called
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on the political parties, the living
forces of the country, the interested parties.
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We argued, we presented that to
Congress, and Congress approved it.
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That is what any Government has to
do with any policy, and that is
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what was enshrined in the peace agreement. But in no way can that be
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interpreted as the obligation to convene a
constituent. Moreover, the negotiation was established
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as a red line, I established
her forgiveness me cable in first person,
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myself, as President of Republic.
For no reason will the proposal of a
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Constituent Assembly be accepted and the FARKS
discussed among themselves because there were different views.
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He won the thesis that they did
submit as a proposal the call for
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a constituent and that request of the
FARKS was denied by the national government.
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That is to say, a procedure
arose and he refused. Then. I
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don' t know why at this
point it comes up that there implicitly,
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because it' s not explicit.
There is the call for a constitution that
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really doesn' t make any sense. I find it absurd to attach such
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importance to that which is obvious.
It is obvious to anyone that he reads
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the peace agreement. President Petro has
said in what is a clear allusion to
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you is. The following, I
open Comillas, the national agreement is not
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to go to a club Patton mno
Marubisky, it is among the entire Colombian
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society, including those former presidents.
How to receive that statement from the Chief
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It is, then, that he
invite me to take a whisky wherever he
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wants that I am willing to any
agreement that is for the good of the
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country, but that, please,
is coherent and consistent. A national agreement
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is to put on the table people
who think differently and it is necessary to
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set that national agreement, and he
is doing exactly the opposite. Every time
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someone thinks differently, he insults him, he tells him that he is propitiating
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a coup d'état and that
is not the way to create the environment
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necessary for the necessary agreements in a
government to pass the reforms. The Council
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is therefore very humble to President Petro
that he should adopt a conciliatory attitude,
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which will make it easier for him
to call a national agreement. In that,
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for example, it seems to me
that what Senator Ivan ze Peda has
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said is correct. What the country
needs is a national agreement to be able
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to resolve. Look at the problems
that people of insecurity are having, the
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cauca, we' re losing it. The theme of health for God'
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s sake. If what happened with
the teachers is the preamble of what will
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happen with health. In Colombia we
have a very serious problem. I saw
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what' s going on with the
economy, look what' s going on
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with the energy sources, or something
else that worries me a lot. Daniel
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that I was discussing it now in
Brazil, that I spent ten days last
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week. I was with organizations and
people who are very interested in protecting the
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environment and succeeding in Cop sixteen and
Cop thirty NAFO sixteen will be held in
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Colombia of the Cup thirty in Brazil
at the end of the year. Incomings
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were already in Brazil studying very carefully
how they are going to be for that
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cop to be successful, but they
were very concerned that the sixteen cop that
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is going to be done here,
in Colombia, in Cali at five months,
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does not even have a concrete agenda. The people who wanted to come
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said no. We can' t
go because we don' t know exactly
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what we' re going to do, what the objectives are, how it
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' s going to be, how
it' s going to be organized.
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Please organize that as quickly as possible, because it is the country that will
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look very bad if that fails.
They are those kinds of aspects that Petos
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should dedicate himself to and will not
fight, he will not fight with Raimundo
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and everyone and have there say permanent
turmoil and discussion, because that is not
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in the interests of anyone, either
him or the country. Mr Presidents,
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Santos, you say that you are
willing to sit with President Petro even says
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to have a whisky. When it
was the last time you spoke to Petro,
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when the relationship between you began to
deteriorate, then look, for my
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part, do not be deteriorated,
because I what Petro says does not take,
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because very much to heart has left
me twice. He himself invited me
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to talk about it. I'
m more interested in the peace process being
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implemented, but on two occasions,
because it didn' t appear and other
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people were offended, they took a
thousand. That' s a slap on
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you, because I don' t
have that attitude and I say well,
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I can' t come leave it. I' m not going to use
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it and that as a little battle
head, I' ll always be willing.
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I think it' s the obligation
of every former President, that if
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they need us, we' re
there. For example, there is an
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instance to discuss precisely these kinds of
issues, such as that of the United
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Nations Security Council, which is the
Committee on Foreign Affairs, have not convened
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it. So what I hope you
think about, that there are ways to
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generate agreements and that governing is precisely
making agreements is in democracies. That'
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s fundamental. That is why,
in Colombia and everywhere, the art of
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governing is being so difficult, because
polarization makes transactions more difficult in a democracy,
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and a democracy without the ability to
make transactions between different sectors and interests
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of society, because it does not
work and cannot solve problems for people.
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Therefore, it would be good if
President Petro concentrated in the last two years
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of government on trying to find a
solution to some of these growing problems that
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are affecting us. You say the
last two years you have left in government.
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You believe that President Petro is going
to leave on the 7th of August
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of two thousand and twenty- six, or, as some people think,
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that he is going to try to
stay in some way. It' s
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just that I don' t find
in any way that he can stay there
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He doesn' t exist. He
would have to break the Constitution, he
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would have to become a dictator and
I think that in Colombia he is not
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willing to accept that. Mr Es
Presidentes Santos, you feel comfortable being part
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of a group against Petro' s
initiative with former Presidents Alvaro Uribe Iván Duque
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ernesto san but you spoke to them
and specifically spoke to former President Urin again.
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No. I hadn' t talked
to him, I haven' t
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talked to any of the former presidents. But it' s logical. It
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is obvious that we all agree that
the Constitution must be respected. That should
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not surprise anyone now some who are
saying the Club of former Presidents is opposing
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the regions of Pepro. No.
What I think is that we agree if
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we talk to each other that one
of the duties of any President, because
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that is what we swear when we
take office as President is to comply with
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the Constitution. Well, it doesn' t seem so logical for the Group
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to be here either, because obviously
it changed the Constitution to get re-
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elected and, moreover, the mechanisms
are extremely questionable. Several of his ministers
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went to jail for this reason in
a process that was called the political gypsies,
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as well as that respect for the
constitutional order was not so characteristic of
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that Government. But in Uribe'
s case he made at least one path
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or tired, a path that was
endorsed by the Constitution, that is,
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by Congress. Yes, he approved
of religion. That' s obvious.
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He went through the congressional leak.
What we' re here for. I
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think everyone agrees that by a decree, by extra- constitutional means, a
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constituent cannot be called. And again
I' m going to start with the
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fundamentals. Let' s stop arguing
about this, because that' s not
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going to happen. It cannot happen
and this attempt to seek an international rod,
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a band of the Security Council.
Petro has Tania to live in July
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have United Nations to seek that endorsement, because he will not find it.
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They will tell you, Mr Petro, thank you very much for coming,
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but do not put us to solve
a problem of internal politics of your country
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and they will return it without any
result and the bad country will remain,
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and for that I hope they will
reflect and do not go to United States
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to try to involve the Security Council
in something where they do not want to
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get involved and are not willing to
get involved. And that can almost assure
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Daniel that that' s what'
s going to happen. A curiosity,
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Mr President, why the name of
former President Andrés Pastrana has not sounded as
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part of this group of former Presidents. I have no idea that yes,
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ask the journalists or Andrés Pashada.
I have no idea. You mention in
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your letter to former Presidents Felipe González
of Spain and Pepe Mújica of Uruguay,
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who are verifiers of the peace agreement, and say they agree with your communication.
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What did they say, for look, I sent the letters to both
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of them and they authorized me to
say that, indeed, they agreed with
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the thesis of the Charter, with
the spirit of the Charter, with the
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content and of the Charter and with
the continuity of the Charter. It simply
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says that one cannot seek to break
the Colombian Constitution through the peace agreement or
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through the Security Council. That'
s simple. What consequences you expect from
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your letter to the UN Secretary,
Antonio Gutérrez. The consequences are simply that
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when President Petro Vaya will tell you
what I have just said, look,
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Mr Pep, but we do not
accept your thesis in that it is not
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up to us. They' re
going to tell you in a very diplomatic,
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very kind way, and what I
do hope is that they ratify what
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they' ve been telling you every
three or four months that they' re
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going to Colombia to make some kind
of report on how implementation is going and
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that they tell you, please,
but rather, I' m going to
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be focused on implementing the peace agreement. I hope that happens. Mr President,
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Juan Manuel Santos, thank you very
much for this conversation. To Ostedes
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Daniel, thank you very much for
this opportunity in the interview given to us
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a few days ago by former President
Gustavo Petro Federico Gómez de Cambio and to
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me he said that he will travel
to the United Nations headquarters to discuss these
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issues with the Secretary General and with
members of the Security Council. So this
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thing just starts. This was today' s Colonel report. Thank you very
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much. No daniel a second,
because, in addition to the Colonel report,
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you had an immersion job in the
elections in Mexico. I am very
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clear about the conclusion of this conversation. That trip to New York by President
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Petro confirms that former President Santos himself
is not going to have an atmosphere,
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because he, precisely with that letter, has made him a very bad atmosphere.
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For the purpose of that journey
