March 24, 2024

¿Es posible un gobierno sin tecnócratas?

¿Es posible un gobierno sin tecnócratas?
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Hace poco se desató un debate en redes sociales sobre la administración pública, la meritocracia y las formas de gobernar un país: ¿qué es la tecnocracia?, ¿es preferible un gobierno de tecnócratas o de activistas?, ¿cuáles han sido los aportes de la tecnocracia y del activismo al país?

Para este capítulo hablamos con el académico y ex rector de la Universidad Nacional de Colombia, Moisés Wasserman; con María Angélica García, presidenta de la Unión de Funcionarios de Carrera Diplomática y Consular de Colombia; con Francisco Javier Vera, activista climático; y con el director de Fedesarrollo, Luis Fernando Mejía.

WEBVTT

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The day to day is full of
urgent news, controversial noise from fans.

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But for the quietness, the analysis
and what we like to call slow-

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cooking journalism are my questions, an
average rush program made by KFAM inspiring smiles.

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A social media debate recently broke out
on public administration, meritocracy and ways

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of governing a country. What is
technocracy? A government of technocrats or activists

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is preferable. What have been the
contributions of technocracy and activism to the country.

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For this chapter we spoke with the
academic and former president of the National

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University of Colombia, Moisés Basserman,
with María Angélica García, President of the

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Union of Civil Servants of Diplomatic and
Consular Career of Colombia, with Francisco Javier

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Vera, climate activist and FE Development
Director, Luis Fernando Mejía. I am

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Roberto Pombo, and this is chapter
eighty of my questions welcome. It is

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curious how, in different forms and
allegories, knowledge has been historically represented as

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an enemy, as the devil.
One example I have already cited in several

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chapters is that of the apple of
knowledge, in the Genesis account of the

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Christian Bible, in which Adam and
Eve are expelled from paradise, condemned to

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work and to suffer for eating the
forbidden fruit. In another older religious account,

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as in Greek mythology, it is
presented through the story of promising a

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Titan friend of mortals, stealing the
fire from the gods of the Olympus to

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deliver it to humans and being punished
by the gods because that fire represents the

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knowledge that plucks humans from their innocence. And that' s when we'

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re supposed to know science, what
brought us suffering. And much more recently,

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in that great novel, which is
the name of the rose of the

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Italian writer Humberto Eco, he talks
about how the hijacking of knowledge by the

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Church in the Abbey Library, where
thousands of books that speak about the sciences

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and different cultures of the world are
kept in an airtight manner, guarded by

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Jorge de Burgos, a blind and
fanatical monk who wants to avoid access to

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all that knowledge because he will turn
the human away from the faith and make

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known to him a world of passions. Even more curious is that until relatively

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recently, knowledge was seen as a
secret, a treasure reserved for a few

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and no longer a demon. Think, for example, how in our country,

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when it was not yet a country, those who knew how to read

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and write were clergymen, priests or
royals, a luxury reserved for an elite.

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Knowledge then was or is in many
cases a luxury for a group of

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them, not only names and religious, but men who can access elite universities,

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who look at the world from a
tower. Times have changed and access

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to schools and universities has become a
little wider. Universal education appeared and knowledge

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became an indispensable requirement to aspire to
live in this competitive world. Knowledge then

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became one of the great virtues of
the world, a minimum requirement for those

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who aspire to lead a nation.
But knowledge of a science or technique is

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enough to lead a government. A
few weeks ago this issue became a debate

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of columnists, opinion- makers,
journalists, politicians and social media users,

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which can be titled technocrats versus activists. It all began when several important government

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appointments were questioned because those who were
selected to run these state entities did not

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have the dam to do so.
Former Bogotá councillor Carlos Carrillo, new director

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of the National Unit for Disaster Risk
Management. He is an industrial designer from

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the National University of Colombia with a
master' s degree in art and design.

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Gustavo Bolívar, director of the Department
of Social Prosperity, is not qualified

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in any career, has been a
screenwriter and senator of the Republic. And

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Alexander Lopez, new director of the
National Planning Department, that lawyer specializing in

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public policy and social enterprise management,
confessed that mathematics has not been his strong

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suit. I am not an economist
or aspire to do so, because mathematics

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gave me very hard, the truth, being that the first route, or

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the first element or the first way
forward, to understand such a complex science.

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But I know below where public policy
has to be directed I want to

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see only one of those cadres based
on national planning who knows this country as

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I know it. Critics point out
that these appointments are inadequate because the new

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directors have neither preparation nor experience in
the subjects they are going to handle.

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Those who defend appointments argue, among
other things, that the technicians and technocrats

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of all life have not done things
well and appealed to the honesty of the

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new directors who are committed to the
cause. For example, President Petro Trinó

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Auro Comillas, Pierre García, was
not criticized for having been a member of

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parliament acting as a technocrat. He
led the Duke' s DPS and stole

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it from Gustavo Bolívares. Guarantee of
transparency. He will lead the government'

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s DPS, of the change I
close quotes. Then began a discussion full

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of cold and corrupt reductionisms and technocrat
cartoons against ignorant but committed activists. As

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usual, we go in order that
he is a technocrat in the strict sense

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of the word, he is a
professional in some economic or administrative UAs math

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in a public office, that pursues
efficiency without ideological considerations or at least that

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says the dictionary of the Rael.
So far the definition sounds good, but

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in a world and a complex country
like the one we live in, nothing

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is ever so simple. Let'
s step back a little bit in time

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to understand better. In the 1930s
and 1940s in the United States, after

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those difficult years of the great depression
prior to World War II, technology was

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beginning to dawn and to leave behind
the industrial revolution. A group of people

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focused on engineering science in New York
City conducted a study on the use of

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energy in the United States and the
relationship between the use of energy and economic

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growth. One of the findings of
that survey was that industrial employment had reached

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a peak of one thousand nine hundred
and nineteen, but that employment was declining

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as industrial production continued to grow.
This raised the specter that technological progress would

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create higher productivity, so less labour
would be needed to produce more and that

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the economic system of the time would
not be able to cope with such productivity

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growth. Thorstein Beblen, in his
book The Engineers and the Price System,

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advocated removing the management of the economy
from the hands of entrepreneurs and putting it

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into the hands of engineers, a
proposal that was quite similar to what people

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thought was happening in the Soviet Union. On September 26th of a thousand nine

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hundred and thirty- two, Time
magazine published an article with these findings and

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put this auro Comillas movement on the
radar. The men who conduct these studies

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on American industrial efficiency call themselves technocrats
close quotes. This new group of engineers

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and professionals promoted the idea that this
new technological world had to be led by

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engineers and experts who strictly applied scientific
principles to everyday problems. As a curious

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fact, between one thousand nine hundred
and thirty- six and one thousand nine

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hundred and forty- one, the
movement reached Canada, where Georshua Hlderman led

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it. Several decades later, his
grandson wants to bring technocracy to planet Mars,

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Tesla' s creator and Twitter owner, Elon Muskeri. That group of

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technocrats and their established movement died.
However, the idea of a group of

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people with specific knowledge leading a government
did not do so, but was redrawn

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years later with a turn in the
1960s, several young Latin Americans were awarded

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scholarships and educated in economics at universities
in the United States, much of it

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in liberal economic doctrines, according to
which the state does not have to intervene

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in the market. In his book
on Chile Project, the Chilean economist Sebastián

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Edwards tells the story of the famous
Chicago Boys, who, if they do

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not know them, are those Chilean
economists who were awarded scholarships to study at

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the University of Chicago and were trained
under the shelter of the liberal economist Milton

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Friedman, and who then held senior
positions and defined economic policy during the Pinochet

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dictatorship. But Edwards also talks about
Colombian economists who returned from studying in the

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United States. They performed in a
completely different context, for while in Chile

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they were able to apply all the
doctrines they wanted. In Colombia, the

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projects proposed by the new technocrats had
to pass first through Congress and then through

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the Court. It is said that
in the country the technocracy had its beginning

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with President Carlos Gerar Restrepo, who
in his term gave an important role to

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those economists that I already mentioned in
the Department of National Planning. And since

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then the following governments have had a
strong presence of economists. According to former

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minister and economist and self- declared
technocrat Roberto Junguito. In a column of

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his, Misael Pastrana Borrero created his
own kind of economists, commanded by two

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foreigners, Locklin Curry and Albert Berry. Alfonso López Mickelsen created an economic team

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by Rodrigo Botero, Miguel Urrutia,
Jorge Ramírez, Guillermo Perry. Julio César

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Turbay' s president also leaned on
economists to lead the Ministry of Finance,

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such as Jaime García Parra and Eduardo
Biezner, and not to continue with the

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list of economists of ministries and senior
positions of the DNP. It is enough

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to sum up that to this day
they remain part of all governments, even

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the current one. What have been
the contributions to the country and the failures

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of these young economists and technocrats?
I asked the Director of Fedevelopment, Luis

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Hernando Mesia. Colombia, for several
decades, has had a strong tradition of

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a technocracy that has been trained in
postgraduate studies abroad and has then returned to

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the country to contribute with its work
its knowledge in such important entities as the

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neighborhood with the Republic, the National
Planning Department and the Ministry of Finance and

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Public Credit. That technocracy has allowed
Colombia to stand out in the Latin American

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arena as an economy with enormous stability, reflected, for example, in the

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fact that Colombia has had only four
years of negative growth in the last one

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hundred and twenty- three years.
The next best country in Latin America is

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Brazil, which has had sixteen years
of contraction. This shows that Colombia has

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ratified a stability norm that has lacked
the technocracy more emphasis on structural issues related

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to the labour market education, that
allow for greater productivity growth, greater social

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mobility and also reduce inequality, which
remains, unfortunately, very high, even

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in the context of Latin America.
However, one criticism of the Colombian technocracy

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is that it is precisely the vast
majority or seems to have brought together a

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homogenous group of elite people who have
been able to gain access to studies in

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large universities and high- ranking officials. Jenny Pierce, professor and researcher at

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Londens School Economics, and Juan David
Velasco, professor at the Faculty of Political

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Science at Javeriana University, wrote on
this topic. The article published in the

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empty chair is an advance of a
book that will be published soon and in

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which we analyze precisely who have been
the directors of the National Planning Department,

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managers and co- directors of the
Bank of the Republic, Ministers of Finance

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and presidents of Copetrol between one thousand
nine hundred ninety- one and two thousand

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twenty- three. On that tour
they found six characteristics that define them as

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a power group. As first,
most are economists trained at the University of

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the Andes. They then did doctorates
at the Anglosajona Universities and have worked at

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the Center for Economic Development Studies,
Development Headquarters or the National Association of Financial

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Institutions ANNIFE. Secondly, they defend
the rights of private property and the rules

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of play pre- established in contracts. Third, they are almost entirely men.

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Only 14 per cent of those on
the Board of Directors of the Bank

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of the Republic have been women.
Fourth, they are orthodox in economic management

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and oppose, for example, a
high increase in the minimum wage. Fifthly,

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they agree with privatization in certain public
goods, such as health, road

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infrastructure and education. And sixth,
and more importantly, they are deeply disconnected

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from the popular field, i e, partner. In the study they are

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people who are not connected to what
happens in the day to day of a

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Colombian on foot and that is why
the authors set an example of how bad

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technocrats have been in the elections,
as in the cases of Mauricio Cárdenas,

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Juan Carlos Echeverry and Alejandro Gaviria.
This last feature reminds me of an episode

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that remained in the minds of many
Colombians cendo the Minister of Finance, Alberto

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Carrasquilla, considered part of this group
of technocrats, and while pursuing a tax

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reform project. In an interview,
they asked him how much a bucket of

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eggs cost. His response showed his
level of disconnection from my elders. It

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was like a shoe. Let'
s say well, let' s say

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on the issue of eggs, because
it depends on quality, but let'

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s say a thousand eight hundred pesos
in a dozen or something like that is

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what I have in my head to
give them context. At that time,

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the egg bucket was about eight thousand
to nine thousand pesos. Shortly after these

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statements by the former Minister, mobilizations
and protests across the country forced the withdrawal

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of this reform. It is this
same disconnection and coldness that has made technocracy

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unremarkable. White men from privileged families
who have gone to elite universities, who

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have been in charge of the state
for decades, are those who, from

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their offices in the center of bob
O in the north, from a tower

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far away to the rest of the
country, design policies to manage water in

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baranova or the management of land in
condoto. However, not all technocrats are

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types with the same economic or right- wing ideology, and one of these

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exceptions is made by this same government
the former director of the DNP, Jorge

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Iván González, a left- wing
activist and at the same time academic man

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who unfortunately ceased to be part of
the Gabinetti. And although the analysis of

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Colombian technocracies by academics is right,
it seems that the counterpart or suggestion is

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that technicians or officials with economic or
administrative experience should be replaced by activists or

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politicians who have popular recognition and support. This is where the discussion knows no

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nuances, because it is one thing
to seek that the officials, ministers and

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members of the government who dictate policies
are people who are more in context of

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what is happening in Colombia' s
foot, and another very different thing is

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to label as corrupt and incompetent expert
officials who have experience and training in a

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science. He referred to this as
the former Minister of Agriculture. Cecilia López,

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when recently at an event Auro Comillas
said the vapule that this government has

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hit the technocracy is a shame.
What is prevailing at this time is activism

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and contracts. Where' s the
civil service. I' m closing Comillas.

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In this sense, the former Minist
is right. The civil service of

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staff members should be given their real
capacity for office, as if it were

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any job. However, the actions
of the Government point to the fact that

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if, on the one hand,
it despises technocracy, on the other hand,

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it prefers to have loyal and close
officials of the President, even if

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they do not have what is required
for the office, because the three cases

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mentioned at the beginning are only a
few of the appointments questioned and it is

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not a question of hiring someone from
the left or right, close or opposed

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to the Government, but rather people
with experience. The case of Arabian lauras

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is one of them. The young
politician has a short but meteoric career.

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At only thirty years of age,
he is the right hand of the President

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of the Republic. He has been
part of the utl of then Senator Armando

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Benedetti, advisor to the campaign of
the then presidential candidate, Gustavo Petro,

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director of the Department of Social Prosperity
and now director of the Administrative Department of

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the Presidency. But where this trend
has been most seen in the Government is

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in diplomatic positions. The list of
consuls, attachés and ambassadors who have been

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appointed without diplomatic experience is long.
Sebastián Guanumen as Consul of Chile, a

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young man with no diplomatic experience,Álvaro Moisés Ninco as Ambassador to Mexico,

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whose appointment was overthrown by the Administrative
Tribunal of Cundinamarca for not fulfilling the requirements

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to occupy the post. Since December
there have been several diplomatic appointments that have

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been sued for not giving priority to
diplomatic and consular career officials to be appointed

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only in December last year were four
and last February were another five appointments demanded

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by the Diplomatic and Consular Union.
Here I want to make a point of

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clarity, and that is that,
although the practice of giving posts in exchange

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for political favours or closeness is not
new or recent, if it is paradoxical

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to do so in a Government that
promised changes. The diplomatic career is perhaps

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one of the areas of public service
that has the clearest technical requirements. However,

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it is the one most used to
pay for political favors. In this

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regard, I asked María Angélica García, the president of Unidiplo, the Union

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of diplomatic and consular career officials of
Colombia, how to dignify the diplomatic career

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so that it does not become the
currency of exchange of governments. This told

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me to diplomatic and consular career already
professional and specialized technique. What should be

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technified is the foreign service in its
entirety, to be started then by strengthening

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the entrance to the diplomatic and consular
career through the public contest that is carried

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out annually, but this must be
much broader and inclusive, that is,

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it must reach each of the regions
of the country and it must result in

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the annual income of at least twenty
to thirty new third secretaries. Provisionality is

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seen as an exception and not as
the rule, as has been the case

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during each of the governments In other
words, career diplomats must be given the

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preferential right to hold positions abroad,
in accordance with the constitutional principle of merit.

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We must also understand the importance of
having an experienced diplomatic corps in countries

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such as Brazil and Chile, which
manage their foreign policy in ninety- nine

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percent, with career diplomats, which
ensures that attention to our foreign nationals is

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adequate and not improvised, and also, of course, the interests of our

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foreign policy are achieved. Designating public
commissions to people who do not meet the

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requirements is also a form of corruption
to prevent the next government from using the

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foreign service as a currency of exchange. The current one must start a transformation

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from now on. That is to
say, this is simply a matter of

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political will. The other part of
this meaningless discussion is that of activists as

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necessary in a country like ours.
Activists are irrigated all over Colombia defending just

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causes. There are no sexual and
reproductive rights environment, anti- racism and

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anti- war activists. For each
cause there is at least one or one

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and it is this profession sadly,
one of the most insecure in the country.

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They are accused of being people with
a great passion for their causes,

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but ignorant of the functioning of the
State, of its bureaucracy, until they

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are pointed out as naive dreamers better
said impractical and efficient for a public office.

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The writer Ricardo Silva reflects on this
in his column when he tells Oro

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Comillas, both technocrats and activists,
he seems to exasperate them with politics as

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things are so far from common sense. It would be a miracle recognized by

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the Church if they understood that only
three percent of the old people in Putumayo

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had a pension. There is a
devastating statistics of the Comptrollership that can only

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be solved if the moral strength of
the activists is driven by the experience of

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the professionals I close quotes. I
looked for Francisco Javier Vera, a climate

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activist better known as the Environmentalist Child, to tell me what the role of

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activism in the country has been.
This told me well. I think to

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understand why assets are important for the
country that let me have that is an

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activist activist. For me he is
a person who has to identify a problem

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and basically seeks to solve those problems. And, of course, our society

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has hundreds and thousands of problems,
including war, automatic change, and so

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on, international injustice, not administta. It has a phrase that seems to

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me very interesting to define it and
it is the tomato injustice as something personal.

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I think that' s what activists
do. They identify these injustices precisely

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and basically transform them, they are
transforming those problems. They are providing solutions

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to those problems that we have as
a society. And yet, pitifully like

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activism, the word activist is closely
associated with politics. No, I mean,

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pitifully. No. Activism is a
political act. In fact, it

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is an exercise of citizenship, basically
through which we raise our voices. But

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perhaps people are using it more and
more pejoratively, associating it with partisan politics,

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with electoral politics, although it is
not that kind of policy where the

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following delictivism is wanted. Basically so
for me, that' s why activism

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is important and, in addition to
some, protecting them, centivizing them and

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fostering them in society from democracy.
And, on the other hand, it

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is of no value to promote public
education for all if later professionals and people

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who have dedicated their lives to the
academy close the doors of public service.

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In this regard, the results of
the Government' s call for doctors are

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more eloquent. If you don'
t remember, on August 10, two

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thousand twenty- two, just begun
his term of office, President Gustavo Petro,

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launched a call for citizens with a
doctorate degree who resided abroad in the

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country, with the aim of receiving
the profiles of all the people who would

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like to contribute with their knowledge to
the leadership of the government. A few

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weeks later it was reported that the
summons had received living leaves of twenty thousand

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three hundred and forty- nine persons
and that a thousand nine hundred and seventy

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- nine persons had been selected.
However, the selection process left quite a

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few doubts. For example, it
is not known how or by whom was

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the committee that was lecturing the works
of life, the aspects that were evaluated

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or taken into account to make the
selection. Nor is it known in which

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entities the selected ones would work,
nor the type of contract or linkage they

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would have. These concerns have not
yet been clarified. They seem a little

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bit. Then schizophrenic the accusations of
President Petro against technocracy and technicians, while

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breast- feeding for the number of
doctors in his government, the summons of

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doctors and his speech in favor of
universal public education. But just for a

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moment let' s do an exercise. Let' s get technocrats out of

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all public offices. And I am
not just referring to the economists of the

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National Planning Department and the Ministry of
Finance, but to the environmental engineers,

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biologists and herpetologists of the Ministry of
the Environment, and to professionals in education

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as powerful as the Aurora Vergara education
of the Ministry of Education. In this

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sense, I asked Professor Es Basserman
a synthegnocrat government is possible. That'

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s what he told me. I
think the question is wrong. Tecnocracy is

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etymologically the government of technicians, and
I believe that no one here has ever

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pretended that there is a government in
technicians. It is clear that politicians rule.

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What we have is technical and expert
support. And if the question arises,

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then so, if the experts are
necessary, if the technicians are necessary,

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I would say they are absolutely necessary
for a government to succeed. Or

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I' d even go further to
the extreme. The absence of technicians and

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experts would, in my opinion,
guarantee the failure of any government. That

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is not a question of elitism,
it is a fundamental question of knowledge.

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The main knowledge of technicians and experts
is the recognition of where mistakes are made

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and how to avoid mistakes. Economic
experts know which policies are successful and which

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policies inevitably lead to failure. And
those are immense support a great help for

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the success of any ruler. I
believe, as other people have already said,

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that there has been a false dichotomy
between technocrats and activists. I know

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honest and passionate technicians for their work
that they have studied at foreign universities thanks

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to scholarships and we flatter ourselves with
the istex that they have returned to serve

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the country. I know activists who
know and manage the aurocracy of the state

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that go beyond passion and its causes
and that do not stay alone in the

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discourse, but that achieve pragmatic and
tangible changes with their work, the strengths

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of one and the other combined.
They would make suitable officials, who are

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experts in the topics, who work, who have the technical knowledge, but

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who also know the realities of the
country, who govern beyond the figures and

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the tables of excel and are activists
passionate about the public service, beyond the

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bureaucracy and for the good of the
Colombians. The country wants and needs ministers,

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directors, managers, officials in general, who are competent and probos or,

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as Ricardo Silva said in his column
Auro Comillas, it is enough to

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think of a crude ambassador or an
anti- corruption friscal who dedicates free time

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to corruption to realize that the citizenry
does not fear technocrats, activists or s

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s s s cynicals incompetent hill quotes. Knowledge cannot continue to be a cause

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of fear or punishment, such as
the genesis of the Bible, but it

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cannot be synonymous with access to power
for a few in an elite. I

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am Roberto Pombo and this was chapter
eighty of my questions. I' ll

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see you in a next chapter from
now on. This chapter of my questions

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is available on all podcast platforms.
This episode was made possible by Kafam,

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inspiring Smiles. Dirección Roberto Pombo,
Producción General, Juan Abel Gutiérrez, editorial

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00:28:37.960 --> 00:28:42.799
advisor, Daniel san Peerrospina scripts Juan
Abel Gutiérrez and Johnny Rodríguez. Field production

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00:28:42.839 --> 00:28:48.960
Marcela Salazar and Lucía Beltrán. Post- production of audio Carlos Bernar