¿El Estado colombiano perdió el Cauca?

WEBVTT

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I' m Roberto Pombo. Welcome
to my questions. An average rush program

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sponsored by Cafán family compensation box.
Cauca is one of the departments historically hardest

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hit by violence and drug trafficking.
Guerrillas for military and drug traffickers make or

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have made a presence in this territory. Why this department has been hit so

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hard by violence. Racism is the
reason for state abandonment. For this chapter.

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We spoke with journalist and former politician
Alberto Casas, with the senator and

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former negotiator of Pase Humberto de la
Calle, with effigenia Valencia de la Capitánía

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Afrocolombiana de Paez Cauca, with the
writer Juan Esteban Constain, with Leonardo Correa,

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Regional Coordinator of Monitere Analysis and Information
of the United Nations Office against Drugs

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and Crime. I am Roberto Pomo
and this is chapter ninety- one of

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my questions. Welcome, you'
ve had a debacle. This is a

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term I frequently use in this program. Almost everyone felt that feeling a fleeting

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impression of having been somewhere or having
done something before when common sense tells us

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that this is not possible. It
is believed that up to ninety- seven

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percent of the population has experienced Shabu
at least once in their lives and sixty

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- seven percent experience it regularly.
You feel a kind of tingling and a

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silent alarm telling you that that conversation
with that person had it before. This

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normal phenomenon began to frighten him.
Recently when I read a story about a

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man for whom this ceased to be
a mere momentary sensation to become a problem.

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This is the case of a man
from the UK who presented a case

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of persistent jau and was so frequent
that he avoided watching television, listening to

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radio and watching newspapers, because he
felt and had already seen everything experienced before

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for several minutes, and sometimes even
longer. The patient felt that he was

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reliving experiences. There was even a
time when this poor man went to cut

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his hair, but when he entered
the hairdresser he had the feeling of Deshaboo.

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Then the jabood of Jabon was experienced. This happened nine years ago,

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but since the news, more people
have come up with the same problem.

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Co- author of the report,
Dora Christine Wells, at Sheffie Harran University,

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says more people are coming to light
and several of them have sought it

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from the United States and Australia.
And though this happened in two thousand and

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fifteen, the nineteen Covid seemed to
revive him. According to an article published

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in the American Journal of Geriatical Psychiatry
by psychiatrists in the United States, one

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of the effects left by prolonged covid
is that of persistent jabul. However,

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it is a problem that almost always
affects elderly patients who have others such as

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psychiatric units. I read this last
caveat and felt calmer, but I quickly

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became concerned about something we suffered as
a country. This is a widespread tee

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fu that we have been with for
several decades, or some would say that

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even centuries and that we have not
been able to solve. And it is

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the repetition of problems that seem to
have fallen apart as if dozens of governments

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and reforms had not passed. One
of these regions is the department of Cauca.

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Among many other reasons, I noticed
for an article in the Diario del

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Tiempo entitled Cauca Dies of Abandonment.
It is a chronicle that narrates the arrival

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in jip through a road uncovered to
a municipality of this department, in which

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the police station was attacked by one
of the multiple illegal armed groups that fight

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their control and they are the ones
who command in their territory. The text

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also states that their share of the
country' s gross domestic product is one

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- four percent and that the Caucasians
have had to go out on the streets

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to demonstrate state abandonment. But the
saddest of all of the above is that

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this article was written in October of
a thousand nine hundred and ninety- one.

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Although thirty- three years have passed, today a similar report could be

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written with some slight differences, such
as that so many years after this department

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' s economy represents one coma eight
percent of the country' s gross domestic

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product. It is enough to see
the sad recent events about the public order

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situation to feel that we are trapped
in a loop in the time that is

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untiringly repeated looking for news about the
cauca of recent months is to find the

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following. In March, the dissidences
of the park known as the central state

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murdered the indigenous Carmelina in July of
sixty- two years. This crime led

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to the lifting of the ceasefire agreed
between government delegations and the guerrillas in retaliation.

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Then came several attacks in municipalities of
this department, as in Miranda,

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where a child was the victim of
an explosive, or the attack with explosives

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at the po station and Banco Agrario
in the municipality of Moralis, where two

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police patrolmen were killed. The President
reacted and said through his account from x

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to uro quotes, the situation in
Cauca is unacceptable. We will not allow

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the population to continue to be frightened
by terrorist attacks. I have asked the

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Minister of Defence to move immediately with
all the military colpura to Cauca and a

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permanent security council will be set up
to close Comillas. Since then, the

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Government has declared a total offensive and
ensured that no new fire will be agreed.

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This is what the Minister of Defense, Ivan Velázquez, said, which

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is not even the exclusive action against
the security forces, but in that claim

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that some have affirmed this organization in
the south- eastern part of the country,

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that a cessation be agreed again and
in this there is an emphatic response

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from the Minister of Defence. There
will be no further cessation with the Central

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General Staff in the South West.
The public order situation is at a critical

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level and that is shown by the
following situation, boys. At this moment

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the confrontation began. So, in
case of armed conflict, we' re

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going to do the following, William, we' re going to protect heart

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and we' re going to protect
life. We' re going to throw

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ourselves on the floor side by side
and with your legs, you' re

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going to protect your stomach. In
case there' s an explosion that makes

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us vibrate, don' t give
us internal bleeding. This is the voice

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of a Spanish teacher at the educational
institution, José María Obando in Corinth.

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This is a drill in the event
of a confrontation or a terrorist attack.

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But, as I was saying,
we' re not talking about this being

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a novelty. Sadly, Cauca is
a department that has historically been affected by

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violence. Some point out that in
order to find the root of the violence,

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it would be necessary centuries ago to
go to the colony, but the

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current conflict is more similar to that
which began in the second half of the

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twentieth century, as in many other
cases, for a land dispute. How

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this history of conflict began that the
Cauca continues to live today. I looked

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for journalist Alberto Casa Santa María and
this he told me. The conflict in

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Cauca has its origin in the land, because the state was very large and

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there was a lot of large landowners
until in the first quarter of the 20th

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century there was a quintinist indigenous leader
Lame, who is dedicated to defending the

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interests of peasants, indigenous people and
Afros. That circumstance led him to prison

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and never reached a satisfactory agreement.
Since then, the Cauca Department has been

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territorially suitable for the insurgency to be
organized by the geographical location of the department.

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Since a thousand nine hundred and eleven, this conflict has started and never,

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as I said, could be resolved. I believe that this is the

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same problem that we are currently living
in, in which drug trafficking feeds guerrillas

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and guerrillas bring the insecurity faced by
the department without the State having the capacity

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to solve it. The cauque has
a particularity, which is that it is

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a department that houses the largest number
of indigenous people in the country, more

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than 190, 000 people, who
represent about twenty percent of the total departmental.

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This population has been one of the
most affected by the conflict and on

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the part of all. According to
the National Historical Memory Center, the Cauque

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is the department with the largest number
of indigenous victims. However, the indigenous

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population, while the most affected by
violence, is not the only one.

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In the Cauca. The Afro-
Colombian population is the fifth largest in the

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country. Violence, of course,
has also been racist. But that is

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what I will talk about later,
and that is that Cauca has been a

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department particularly affected by the armed conflict
in general. According to figures of two

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thousand and eighteen of the DAN,
the population of the department of Cauca is

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one million, two hundred and forty- three thousand and five hundred three persons

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and, according to data from the
Victims Unit with a December cut of two

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thousand and twenty- three, there
are five hundred and twenty- six thousand

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and eight hundred and forty- two
victims of the armed conflict, that is,

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almost half of its population is victims
of violence. A scandalous number.

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The half- open truth verified that
in the first five months of this year,

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in this department there were thirteen murders
of social leaders, three murders of

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strong ex- combatants before the peace
agreement, five murders of law enforcement agents,

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two zero displaced persons and more than
five hundred confined. And although the

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armed conflict has been a constant in
this department, the peace process with the

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FARK helped it decrease or at least
for a short period, according to the

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figures of the National Institute of Legal
Medicine, between two thousand fifteen and two

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thousand sixteen, the rate of residences
of the department fell to nineteen four per

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hundred zero inhabitants. However, by
two thousand and eighteen, the same number

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rose almost twice as high as a
peak. In two thousand twenty- two

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with fifty- six one homicides for
every hundred and zero inhabitants. And it

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is that, while the signing of
the peace agreement with a breath of breath,

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several versions point to the fact that
the failure to comply with the agreement

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caused the violence to return and increase. The figures for this argument are quite

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eloquent, according to a document that
collects the risks for communities and human rights

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defenders in Eucauca, made by indepacious
from November of two thousand sixteen, when

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the peace agreement with the FARC guerrillas
was signed, until February of two thousand

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and twenty- two hundred and eighty- six peace leaders have been murdered in

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this department. During the same period, one hundred and forty- six murders

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have occurred against leaders and leaders who
belong to and defend the rights of ethnic

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communities in that department. Indigenous people
are the most affected and account for one

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hundred and sixteen such cases, or
forty per cent. Perhaps the saddest fact

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as if the others were not hopeless, is that in that period four hundred

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and fourteen peace- signatories people who
left the weapons to build peace, have

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been killed in the cauca. Algeria
is the municipality that has been the most

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victim of this type of crime,
with ten passers- by signatories murdered and

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many of these death numbers have not
been given for isolated crimes. Between November

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of two thousand sixteen and February of
two thousand twenty- four, sixty-

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two massacres have been perpetrated with two
hundred and fifteen victims in Cauca. According

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to the analysis of the public reason, the theft of the resources of OCAT

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Paz, the oblivion of the national
plan of substitution and the lack of progress

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in the substitution of coca crops,
which doubled after the signing of the peace

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agreement, are largely the reason for
the resurgence and multiplication of the armed groups

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in this department. The Government of
former President Duque came with the task of

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consolidating a peace process that he opposed
as a congressman. But in addition,

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it was a peace process that little
was possible to implement. In June of

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two thousand twenty- two, the
Crock Institute published its sixth report on the

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implementation of the peace agreement, which
analyzed the period between December of two thousand

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twenty and November of two thousand twenty- one, and found that, of

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the more than five hundred provisions derived
from the final agreement, thirty percent were

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complete, nineteen percent in the intermediate
state, thirty- seven percent in the

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minimum state and fifteen percent had not
yet begun its implementation in the first year

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of current government. The figures in
this regard have not improved. One of

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the conclusions of the seventh version of
this report is that levels very similar to

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those of the previous four years have
been maintained. In two thousand twenty-

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three, only thirty- two percent
of the provisions had been completed. Nineteen

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per cent are in intermediate state,
thirty- nine per cent in minimum state

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and ten per cent had not begun
execution. Compared to its previous version,

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progress has not been much. How
much the breach of the peace agreement with

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the FARC has to do with the
violence that the Cauca is experiencing today.

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I asked the senator and former negotiator
by the way, Humberto de la Calle,

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and this answered me. I think
we' re losing Cauca. I

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would like to say by this that
the conflicts of public order in Cauca have

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come from much earlier and there has
been an almost permanent confrontation, but now

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there is a new situation. It
is a war between illegal groups that war

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with each other against a relatively powerless, somewhat stupefied State. Then, frankly,

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it seems to me that this is
a new, unprecedented situation and that,

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therefore, it really demands a meditation
that, hopefully this would be truly

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national about new strategies in relation to
the loss of control of the territories.

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It seems to me that the government
was right to try to innovate the negotiation

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methodology, which is where the so- called grassland arises. But what we

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are seeing now is, frankly,
a situation of uncontrollability, confined populations,

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and the registration of illegal groups.
In short, there really is a much

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deeper and more delicate thing here about
how to seek an order without prejudice to

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the process of change. I think
that should be the central element. Cauca

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is a department in dispute over several
armed groups according to the foundation pass and

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reconciliation. In this facility there are
four armed groups, the central state or

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dissidences of the Fargas, which has
presence in thirty- six of the forty

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- two LLN municipalities in twenty-
five municipalities, the Second Marquetalia in twelve

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and the Cterist self- defenses of
Colombia, also known as the Gulf clan

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of the Gaitanist army of Colombia.
In one municipality and in the midst of

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this dispute over the territory is the
civilian population most affected. President Petro'

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s government' s grass project,
to which we already devoted a chapter to

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seventy- five, I recommend it
is ambitious. He was born with the

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purpose of starting peace processes with some
armed groups, for political purposes and submission

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to as many other armed groups as
the paramilitaries. Despite the ambitious aim of

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consolidating peace in the country, it
has not been easy, as can be

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seen. But beyond confrontations and terrorist
attacks, these armed structures have gained ground

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in society because they exercise control over
the daily lives of the Caucasians. They

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engage in communicated projects, build roads
to distribute school materials. However, they

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are also linked to drug trafficking.
They divide communities and eliminate leaders who oppose

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them from their power over the population. They are that in March at the

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handing over of an ambulance that acquired
matters of communal action of San Juan de

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Micai, corregimiento del tambo. With
own resources he attended a group of people

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who were not invited to cut the
tape from appearing in the photos. It

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was Nefson Enrique Ríos, known as
Glasses, and other members of the central

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state. The expectation with the table
of dialogue with this guerrilla was very high,

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but the breaking of Caesar fire.
The offensive by the national army and

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the constant terrorist attacks of this group
wiped out the illusions of the Caucasians.

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At this point and with all that
panorama, it only remains for me to

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ask myself he lost the state to
the department of Cauca. This was answered

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by the Caucasian writer, Juan Esteban
Costaín, because the answer, unfortunately,

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is that yes, in Cauca,
the state has long lost control. It

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' s not a recent phenomenon.
It has been happening for decades, however,

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it is increasing day by day.
We could say that in Cauca the

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paradox is fulfilled that it is a
department that could not be worse. And

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yet it gets worse every day.
There is a category of political science,

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a widely discussed concept, which is
that of the failed State, a State

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that cannot fulfill its essential aims in
the Cauca of the Colombian State. It

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is a failed State because in the
dimension of sovereignty it lost control of territory

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and the monopoly of force and in
the dimension of legitimacy it cannot guarantee to

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anyone the basic right of citizenship.
Many of us come to the conclusion that

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in Cauca the only ways that work
are the paths of fact, because there,

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moreover, all the conflicts of Colombian
history, the conflicts of the land,

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the class conflicts, the ethnic conflicts
overlap. It is a desolate situation

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and sadly, the history of the
Cauca state abandonment and the presence of armed

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groups is also crossed by drug trafficking. The presence of these economies in the

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department is long and their roots are
strong. In the communities they found in

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marijuana and ancestral coca. Income possibilities
according to the UN integrated crop and licit

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monitoring system. In two thousand twenty- two, Cauca ranks fourth in the

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departments with the largest area planted with
coca crops and contributes eleven percent of the

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national totar. With twenty- six
thousand twenty- three hectares increased four percent

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compared to the previous year of its
forty- two municipalities in twenty- six

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and the presence of these crops the
train of five percent. They are concentrated

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in Tambo and, according to data
from the Colombian Drug Observatory, the trend

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of cultivation of hectares cultivated with drugs
and visits is increasing in the 1970s.

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Coca- related activities and views in
Cauca began to take shape and end illicit

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crops. As it has not been
taught, history would not be simple in

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its passage through Popayán. President Peto
said that the central government was opposed to

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crop substitution. It was that we
wanted to come true. One of the

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paragraphs that were written at the first
point of cessation. A protocol will be

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given to the fire to initiate the
process of substitution of illicit crops. At

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the second meeting we said let'
s do protocol now. They said no,

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not the whole MC, but the
Cauca. Ugly for some, because

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some still think, I no longer, of the old wars and struggles,

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even revolutionary, that have passed through
Cauca. For Cauca, passed almost all

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of Colombia' s violence in all
its history. But that has nothing to

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do with the failure to make a
crop substitution protocol. Unless you don'

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t want to, it' s
because you want to keep cluttering and in

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addition to coca leaf crops. In
Cauca there is a particularity and is that

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it also has a high concentration of
marijuana cultivation. According to a report of

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indepacity, the municipalities of Caloto,
Corinth, Jambalo, Miranda and Toribu are

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the main productive enclave of marijuana in
the country, and this activity ended up

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becoming the main sustenance of thousands of
families struggling with the difficulties of traditional agricultural

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economies, impoverished in part by the
economic opening of the 1990s, which weighed

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the import of food and the impulse
of the groindustry. The municipalities of Corinth,

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Miranda and Toribiu make up what is
known as the marijuana triangle, in

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which it is estimated that there are
approximately sixteen thousand to nineteen zero growers,

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each with an average production capacity of
about five hundred marijuana a year. As

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in many businesses, marijuana had its
time of bonanza, which caused these municipalities

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to receive more population, more houses
were built, public services were installed and

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the cost of living rose. And
as happened with the coca leaf, marijuana

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growers are in crisis today because of
the low price they are paid and that

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cost of living that went up by
the bonanza, today is unpayable for many.

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According to the indepacity report, indigenous
authorities said that the territory is disharmonized

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on behalf of the marijuana economy and
that today it is difficult to find time

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to work other crops because they got
used to the high daily payments of marijuana

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crops against which an agricultural producer cannot
compete. I looked for Leonardo Correa,

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Regional Coordinator for Analysis, Monitoring and
Information of the United Nations Office on Drugs

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and Crime to ask him about marijuana
and coca crops and drug trafficking, the

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symptom or the result of state abandonment. To answer this question it is important

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to take into account factors that make
the situation in that department very complex.

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While there has been a low state
presence, in some cases, illegal armed

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groups have also taken advantage of factors
such as land tenure disputes or marginalization of

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indigenous communities to promote drug trafficking.
But they are not drug traffickers, but

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illegal mining, among other activities outside
the law. In the department of Cauca.

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Some more recent monitoring data on NC
coca crops show that between the year

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two thousand sixteen and two thousand twenty- two, the area planted with coca

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in Cauca doubled from twelve six hundred
hectares to twenty- six hundred hectares.

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In the department four productive enclaves are
located and that is where the shrubs become

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up to two four times more productive, that is, coca. There it

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is clearly more productive than in the
rest of the country. Another important factor

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to take into account is the new
characteristics of drug trafficking that do not have

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a visible head that controls business,
which generates a staggered scenario of violence among

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groups outside the law that dispute over
territorial control and have converted the department of

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Cauca is a functional territory for illegality, accentuating the marginalization of communities, the

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violation of human rights and a sustained
scene of uncertainty due to the interference of

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criminal organizations present in the territory.
Of course, violence and drug trafficking are

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not the only problems in Cauca.
As if that were not enough, poverty

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and hunger are also part of this
crisis. According to the Dane figures in

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two thousand twenty- two, in
this department, eighteen coma three percent of

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the population lived in multi- monthly
poverty in rural areas. The figures go

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up to twenty- three comma six
percent in the rural area of Cauca.

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The majority of workers in households,
ninety- five comma two percent, have

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informal jobs, seventy- three percent
of rural households have low levels of education

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and thirty- seven comma six did
not have access to an improved water source

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and, according to the Dane Labour
Market Bulletin, in March this year,

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the capital of the department of Popayán
was ranked as the fourth most unemployed city

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in the country, with a rate
of fifteen comma nine percent. On the

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other hand, the map of hunger
in Colombia, an initiative of the Banco

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de Alimentos y Es de Colombia,
showed that among the municipalities with the highest

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risk of hunger in Colombia is almaguer
in Cauca. Forced confinement by illegal armed

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groups is a silent and serious effect
of the armed conflict. Those who must

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be sheltered in their homes must choose
between going out for sustenance and food or

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being killed for violating a curfew.
This has exacerbated the problem of food insecurity,

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as the departments hit hardest by mobility
restrictions are those in the Colombian Pacific.

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It is estimated that in Cauca there
are 4, 000 confined inhabitants and

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the prevalence of food insecurity is thirty- two percent. Land invasions by some

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indigenous groups and very frequent blocks to
Pan- American life have also helped to

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keep the situation from stabilizing. According
to reports from guilds, sugar growers and

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Afro communities in the indigenous region,
more than 8, 000 hectares of private

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land have been seized in northern Cauca
for the past five years. There have

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also been incidents such as burning of
machinery and cultures. The attention between entrepreneurs,

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00:25:22.599 --> 00:25:27.720
peasants, Afro- transporting communities of
indigenous people is increasing and these roads

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are being taken. In fact,
the situation is only getting worse for many

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people. The abandonment to which the
Colombian State has submitted to the Department of

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Cauca can be explained as a racist
policy. The problem of land in these

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regions is old and it is a
struggle that has given indigenous people, Afro

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- Colombian communities and peasants who gravitate
as it is analyzed, reimagine a zin

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tang about inequality, the monopoly of
land and limited access to fundamental and essential

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rights of the Afro- Colombian,
indigenous and peasant majorities living in the department.

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This is evidenced by the systematic killing
of indigenous leaders and afru They also

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speak of racialized violence, the pointing
of several politicians to these communities as guerrillas

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or insurgents, or the suggestion of
a referent to divide the department into twists,

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00:26:15.039 --> 00:26:17.799
one for the indigenous and one for
the mestizos, as suggested by the

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locksmith for Rome. Valencia talks about
racism still taking hold against this department,

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but I don' t want to
be joking take the floor on this issue.

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That' s why I looked for
effigenia Valencia, who is part of

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the Afro- Colombian capital of Cauca
country, to tell me how much racism

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00:26:33.920 --> 00:26:38.519
there is in state abandonment, what
does Cauca live? This he told me,

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therefore, to see that on the
subject of what is so much racism

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00:26:45.480 --> 00:26:51.880
in and in the abandonment of the
state, we mean that yes, as

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an Afro- descendant community, we
have been discriminated against on the labor issue,

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00:26:57.119 --> 00:27:03.119
on the educational issue, on the
opportunities that, as an ethnic group

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00:27:03.200 --> 00:27:10.839
we have before other synical groups as
well, and because it is also noteworthy

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00:27:11.440 --> 00:27:17.960
that from our brother' s government, Elias Larraondo, we have been gaining

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00:27:18.039 --> 00:27:22.599
other spaces, but we still need
to get the actions to that deep Colombia,

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00:27:22.720 --> 00:27:33.240
to that deep Cauca, to those
remote municipalities where the Black people still

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need much support from the state government. The Colombian State, long ago,

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00:27:37.319 --> 00:27:41.160
seems to have lost control and authority
over the department of Cauca so that they

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sadly remain in the hands of armed
groups that manage their economy and do social

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00:27:45.400 --> 00:27:48.839
control. The civilian population has then
had to wage a double struggle, on

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00:27:48.960 --> 00:27:52.960
the one hand, against oblivion and
governments and, on the other, against

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00:27:52.039 --> 00:27:56.680
bullets and the seriousness of the violent. But Cauca is much more than violence

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and drugs. It is a department
that brings together the Grand Duke be natural,

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social, Riendic culture. And if
to this day the Colombian state seems

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to have lost its control, hopefully
it is not a permanent situation as if

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we were living a chronic djago.
I am Roberto Pombo and this was chapter

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00:28:11.559 --> 00:28:17.039
ninety and one of my questions we
see in the next chapter from this moment

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00:28:17.160 --> 00:28:22.920
on. This chapter of my questions
is available on all podcast platforms. This

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00:28:23.000 --> 00:28:29.759
episode was made possible by Kafan.
Family compensation box. Dirección Roberto Pombo,

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00:28:30.079 --> 00:28:34.599
Producción General, juan Abel Gutiérrez,
editorial advisor, Daniel san Peerrospina, scripts

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00:28:34.799 --> 00:28:40.880
juan Abel Gutiérrez and Johnny Rodríguez.
Field production, Marcela Salazar and Lucía Beltrán

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00:28:40.960 --> 00:28:42.960
audio postproduction Carlos Bernar