La amnistía y el Tribunal Constitucional
Ha llegado el momento tan esperado. La Sala de lo Penal del Tribunal Supremo, formada por los magistrados expertos en Derecho Penal más prestigiosos de nuestro país, ha promovido una cuestión de inconstitucionalidad en relación con el artículo 1 de la...
Ha llegado el momento tan esperado. La Sala de lo Penal del Tribunal Supremo, formada por los magistrados expertos en Derecho Penal más prestigiosos de nuestro país, ha promovido una cuestión de inconstitucionalidad en relación con el artículo 1 de la ley Orgánica de amnistía a la que los socialistas añadieron el pomposo y falaz título «para la normalización institucional, política y social en Cataluña». El contenido del auto es demoledor, porque establece que «vulnera el derecho constitucional a la igualdad ante la ley» y «los principios de seguridad jurídica y proscripción de la arbitrariedad que proclama la Constitución» a la vez que podría vulnerar el «principio de exclusividad jurisdiccional». El Gobierno de izquierda radical espera que Conde-Pumpido cumpla con su papel y declare la constitucionalidad de la norma. No importa que el propio Sánchez dijera en su día que no lo era o que reconociera que la impulsó para comprar la investidura, lo que muestra el fin ilegítimo de la norma. El presidente del Constitucional es un experto jurista, magistrado de esa Sala y fue uno de los fundadores de la asociación progresista «Jueces y Juezas para la democracia». Fue Fiscal General del Estado nombrado por un gobierno socialista.
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Amnesty and the Constitutional Court. The
long- awaited time has come. The
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criminal saga of the Supreme Court,
made up of the most prestigious criminal law
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judges in our country, has promoted
a question of unconstitutionality in relation to article
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one of Amnesty' s organic law, to which socialists added the pompous and
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fallacious title for institutional, political and
social normalization in Catalonia. The content of
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the order is devastating because it establishes
that it violates the constitutional right to equality
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before the law and the principles of
legal certainty and prohibition of arbitrariness proclaimed by
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the Constitution, while at the same
time violating the principle of jurisdictional exclusivity.
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The radical left- wing government hopes
that Conde fumpido will fulfill his role and
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declare the constitutionality of the norm.
It does not matter that Sánchez himself said
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in his day that it was not
that c or r n knew that he
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pushed her to buy the investiture,
which shows the illegitimate end of the norm.
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The Constitutional President is an expert jurist, judge of that chamber and was
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one of the founders of the Progressive
Association Judges and Judges for Democracy. He
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was the Attorney General of the State
appointed by a socialist government. The other
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magistrates are Campo ex- Minister of
Professor and Constitutional Affairs and is a member
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of the Consultative Council of Andalusia.
Ten former socialist and recent professor Montalbán,
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judge of the High Court of Justice
of Andalusia. She is a member of
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the General Council of the Judiciary and
a specialist in violence against women. Sáez
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was a judge of the national hearing
and was proposed by the united Left to
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the General Council of the Judiciary and
the Constitutional and Segovian Court of Labour in
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the Supreme. With these curricula and
political trajectories are Sánchez' s hope to
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convert into constitutional a norm that the
most prestigious jurists of our country in constitutional,
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administrative and criminal law believe it is
not. Of course, nothing to
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do with the prestige of the judges
who formed, for example, the first
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Constitutional Court. The seven will have
to sideline the issues raised by the Supreme
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Magistrates, as well as the positions
of numerous academic and academic prosecutors, with
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their decision, will pass into history
as defenders of the constitutional order and the
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will clearly expressed by the constituents or
of the alternative use of law and submission
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to political power
